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Tariff Reform

10

Feb

A Travesty of Justice PDF Print E-mail
Written by Satish Sekar   
When sentencing the real murderer of Lynette White to life in July 2003, Mr Justice Royce told Jeffrey Gafoor: “You allowed innocent men to go to prison for a crime that you knew you had committed.” In October 2005 Royce gave his reasons for imposing the thirteen year tariff – the minimum that Gafoor must serve before he becomes eligible for release on parole – that included the four months that he served on remand before pleading guilty, although he stressed that it didn’t mean that Gafoor would be released that soon. Nevertheless it was significantly less than the tariffs imposed on the entirely innocent Cardiff Three which were between fifteen and eighteen years.


Royce was only allowed to add one third of his starting point (fifteen years) for aggravating circumstances. In this case they were the brutality of the crime and the fact that he had allowed innocent people to be convicted for his crime. Royce added four years and six months for that. He then gave Gafoor credit for an early guilty plea (he has to allow one sixth for that) and also for assisting the police with their current investigation into what went wrong. He deducted three years and six months for mitigation and because Gafoor was caught in 2003 Royce had to apply the law as it was then, which meant that he had to add the amount to twelve years – the standard tariff at that time. Consequently, Gafoor – the real murderer - received a significantly lower tariff than innocent people he allowed to go to jail. The Cardiff Five served a total of sixteen years hard time in prison. There is a real possibility that the real murderer will serve less time in prison than the real murderer.


This is obscene and it sends out a message that it is far better to allow the innocent to be convicted and do nothing than take responsibility for their crime. Previously tariffs were determined by the Home Secretary, but after a challenge to the European Court of Human Rights, the court in Strasbourg ruled that the law had to be changed. Ironically a decision that gave the powers to set tariffs to judges deprived them of the very discretion they required to deliver justice based on the particular facts of individual cases. Mr Justice Royce found his hands firmly tied when he came to impose the tariff on Gafoor. The law resulted in serious aggravating circumstances only outweighing comparatively trivial mitigating circumstances by just a year. Meanwhile, the system is weighted further in Gafoor’s favour, as he can express remorse, attend the relevant courses and even use the fact that he assisted the inquiry into what went wrong in the original inquiry to support his parole application. He can point to the fact that in almost eleven years before his arrest on suspicion of the murder of Lynette White he had not come to the attention of police. His only conviction was an assault on a colleague at work in 1992, which resulted in a non-custodial sentence.


If Jeffrey Gafoor serves less time in prison than the innocent men he left to rot for his crime, it will be an insult to every concept of justice. It is too late for the Cardiff Five, but there will be other cases of vindication where the same issues arise. It is not too late to give judges the unfettered discretion to set appropriate tariffs in such cases that fit the individual circumstances of those cases. It can’t help the Cardiff Five, but justice must surely reflect society’s disgust at criminals who not only commit terrible crimes, but allow innocent people to pay the price of their crimes as well. Anything less disgraces the very name of justice.

by Satish Sekar © Satish Sekar (January 31st 2009)

 

10

Feb

The Crime of Innocence PDF Print E-mail
Written by Satish Sekar   
The Secretary of State for Justice, Jack Straw, has been asked to correct an anomaly that resulted in a brutal murderer receiving a significantly lower tariff than three entirely innocent men. Jeffrey Gafoor pleaded guilty to the Valentine’s Day 1988 murder of 20-year old Lynette White on July 4th 2003. Yusef Abdullahi, Stephen Miller and Tony Paris served four years each before their convictions were quashed in December 1992. John and Ronnie Actie were acquitted after two years on remand in November 1990. Gafoor was arrested following advances in forensic science in February 2003. Sentencing him to life imprisonment Mr Justice Royce told Gafoor: “You allowed innocent men to go to prison for a crime you knew you had committed.” Royce considered this to be the most important aggravating factor.


Despite this the law only allowed the judge to set a tariff of thirteen years. “I think it is outrageous that he got a lower tariff than us,” said Tony Paris. “He was guilty and we were innocent. He let five men get charged for what he did and three get life sentences. And when you consider that at any time one or all of us could have committed suicide while he remained at liberty, I don’t think that this is genuine remorse.”


I proposed reforms to encourage real perpetrators to take responsibility for their crimes and prevent miscarriages of justice, because it would be in their interest to own up before they are caught and brought to justice, to the Law Commission and the Ministry of Justice. The Law Commission’s response was vacuous, as it believes that the system already caters for this eventuality in setting tariffs, as Royce referred to it in setting the tariff that Gafoor must serve, but his hands were tied. I that case the aggravating circumstances were that it was a particularly brutal crime and that he had allowed men he knew to be innocent to be convicted of a crime that he knew he had committed and serve a total of sixteen years imprisonment. He could have set a maximum of five years for all of that, but chose to set four years and six months and in mitigation he set three years and six months for pleading guilty at the ‘first’ opportunity – a mere fifteen years after he took White’s life – and assisting the ongoing inquiry into what went wrong in the original investigation. Both aggravating circumstances are extremely serious, but the law only allowed Royce to have them outweigh comparatively trivial mitigation by just one year. This is not taking it into account; it is an insult. Judges should be entitled to impose an appropriate tariff based on the individual circumstances of the case that they are considering. Had Royce imposed the full five years he was entitled to for just the brutality of the crime, it would not have been unreasonable, which makes a complete mockery of the claim that the system already takes vindication into account. And this is far from the only flaw in setting tariffs in cases of vindication.


When setting the tariff that Gafoor must serve Royce took into account “powerful statements” on the effect that her murder had had upon them from Lynette’s family. The Cardiff Five were not invited to detail the effect that wrongful imprisonment had on them. Paris thinks that this is unfair and wants the views of victims of miscarriages of justice to be considered prominently when sentencing people like Gafoor. “Our feelings should have been taken into account when the judge set his tariff,” said Mr Paris. “We are victims of Gafoor’s crime as well. The law should have given us the same opportunity as Lynette’s family to say what this case has done to us.”


Meanwhile, the Ministry of Justice believes that there is no need for tariff reform, because there are mechanisms to correct miscarriages of justice already. How exactly does treating real perpetrators more leniently than the innocent and preventing judges from setting appropriate tariffs based on the merits of individual cases correct miscarriages of justice, let alone help to prevent them?

 

© Satish Sekar January 22nd 2009




 

10

Feb

The Rights of The Forgotten Victims I PDF Print E-mail
Written by Satish Sekar   
The law allows the families of victims the right to give victim statements about how her murder had affected them to judges before the tariff – the minimum that must be served before an offender is eligible to apply for release on parole – is set. Lynette White’s family did so before Mr Justice Royce imposed the tariff on Jeffrey Gafoor. Royce referred to them in his explanation of the tariff and described them as powerful, but despite being victims of Gafoor: the criminal justice system and criminal actions during the investigation, the Cardiff Five (Yusef Abullahi, John and Ronnie Actie, Stephen Miller and Tony Paris) were given no input at all. Surely they deserved that small courtesy that could assist in understanding the full effect of Gafoor’s crimes, especially as it is not even a criminal offence to knowingly allow innocent people to suffer wrongful imprisonment for his crime, but shouldn’t it be?


More than five years after they were proved innocent beyond any doubt they will probably never recover from their ordeal and depriving them of the opportunity to detail how they too were victimised by Gafoor’s actions adds to it by denying the fact that they are his victims too. Allowing them to give victim statements demonstrates in practice that they have indeed been victimised by his actions and shows that the criminal justice system takes its responsibilities seriously. In this case it has already been proved that they were the victims of crime, as perjured testimony contributed to their wrongful convictions, but where is the support for them? As victims of crime are they not entitled to the assistance provided to others by organisations such as Victim Support? And if not, why not?


They are clearly victims as well and should be treated as such, so the criminal justice system should acknowledge this and allow the victims of such miscarriages of justice the right to be heard. The law can be amended easily to allow vindicated victims like the Cardiff Five to give victim statements as well. It is surely not too much to ask that they be given the same courtesy that is afforded to the family of the victim of the murder. Other miscarriages of justice have been resolved in this manner now, but tariffs or sentences have been imposed without acknowledging the status of those who suffered the miscarriage of justice as victims deserving the right to voice their concerns. It was already too late for Stefan Kiszko who died without seeing Ronald Castree convicted of the murder of Lesley Molseed, but Colin Stagg and the original defendants in the Damilola Taylor Inquiry were and alive when Robert Napper was brought to account for the killing of Rachel Nickell and the four boys who originally stood trial for the murder of Damilola Taylor when the Preddie brothers (Ricky and Danny) were finally brought to justice.


It is difficult to imagine a more disgraceful way to treat all of the victims of such cases and it is inevitable that there will be other cases that are resolved in this manner in the future. Without all the victims of these cases being given a voice further injustice will occur. Why should the victims of such miscarriages of justice be denied the right to make victim statements? If victims are to be truly put at the heart of the criminal justice system then all the victims of cases such as this must be given a voice. It cannot roll back the years or spare them the ordeal that they have suffered, but acknowledging that they too are victims would be a start – albeit a small step and long overdue.



 

10

Feb

The Rights of The Forgotten Victims II PDF Print E-mail
Written by Satish Sekar   
The victims of crime (or their family) have the right to give statements about the impact the crime has had upon them to the judge before he or she decides how long the guilty party must serve and rightly so, but nowhere in the debate on victims’ rights is there any mention of the effects of the rights of victims of miscarriages of justice who have been vindicated, even though the real perpetrators have been caught and convicted. Despite vindication – a miscarriage of justice that has been resolved by the conviction of the truly guilty – real perpetrators have been treated more leniently than the entirely innocent ones. The power to set tariffs (the minimum time that must be served of a life sentence) was taken away from the Home Secretary before the first case of vindication in Britain, which occurred in July 2003 when Jeffrey Gafoor pleaded guilty to the murder of Lynette White.


She was the victim of what was then (Valentine’s Day 1988) the most brutal murder of its type in Welsh history, which involved over fifty stab wounds, some of which were inflicted as she was dying or after death. Yusef Abdullahi, Steve Miller, Tony Paris and the cousins John and Ronnie Actie were charged with her murder and the Actie cousins were acquitted in November 1990, while the Cardiff Three were jailed for life. The wrongful convictions were quashed two years later, but not before the Cardiff five had served a total of sixteen years actual prison time for a crime that they did not commit.


Within a year of the publication of my book ‘Fitted In: The Cardiff 3 and the Lynette White Inquiry’ in 1998, the case was re-opened and a combination of excellent police work and investigations by forensic scientists resulted in the arrest and conviction of Gafoor. He gave no comment interviews before admitting his guilt at his first appearance for pleas. However the case against him was compelling as there was no answer to the DNA evidence, which could not have been planted for reasons that have explained in other articles published by the Fitted-In Project. Nevertheless the law orders judges to credit defendants for ‘swift’ guilty pleas when setting tariffs. It was a horrific crime and Gafoor had allowed men he knew to be innocent to serve several years of actual imprisonment for his crime, but it was not Mr Justice Royce’s fault that the tariff seemed unduly lenient. However, it remains obscene that there is a real possibility that the truly guilty Gafoor could serve less time in prison for a crime that he committed than the innocent men that he allowed to suffer wrongful imprisonment.


Gafoor can show ‘genuine’ remorse for his crime, because he has reason to be sorry for murdering White, but the Cardiff Three could not without lying about their guilt. Given the nature of the crime that they were convicted of they would have been deemed to be ‘in denial of murder’ if they failed to admit their guilt and they would have been required to take courses to address their offending behaviour, all of which Gafoor can easily do because he is guilty. Ironically the system caters for the needs of the guilty and rewards them, but punishes the innocent. They could have been crushed by their experience of wrongful imprisonment, or worse still committed suicide in prison, while Gafoor savoured his ill-deserved freedom. The criminal justice system claims to put victims at its centre, so why have the Cardiff Five been denied the status they deserve as victims of Gafoor, the criminal justice system and perjury?

by Satish Sekar © Satish Sekar (January 31st 2009)

 
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